ࡱ>  oEVX` bjbjss b@q%   48 (` ` ` $ TTTPT|U b$WX"YLjYjYjYVZd$[4$Xh^` cjYjYcc` ` jYjYʻDEjEjEjcD` jY` jYEjcEjEjJO\` ` CjYW +TeBsTbVgC` C0X[]Ej_|FakX[X[X[ijX[X[X[bcccc $HT T ` ` ` ` ` `   MULTIDISCIPLINARY WORKSHOP ON FOOD CHOICE IN FAMILIES AND CHILDREN Part of the Food Standards Agencys Food Acceptability & Choice and Food Choice Inequalities R&D Programmes Workshop held on Friday 9th March 2007. Report written by Lynn Stockley for the Food Standards Agency Food Standards Agency, Aviation House, 125 Kingsway, London WC2B 6NH CONTENTS  TOC \o "1-2" \h \z  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc166470392" SUMMARY  PAGEREF _Toc166470392 \h 3  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc166470393" INTRODUCTION AND AIMS OF THE WORKSHOP  PAGEREF _Toc166470393 \h 6  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc166470394" PRESENTATIONS  PAGEREF _Toc166470394 \h 8  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc166470395" Children's food choice and Family Eating Patterns: An Anthropological Perspective. Professor Pia Christensen  PAGEREF _Toc166470395 \h 8  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc166470396" A multidisciplinary approach to school-based interventions for healthy eating and physical activity: Pro Children and PERSEO case studies. Dr. Carmen Perez Rodrigo  PAGEREF _Toc166470396 \h 11  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc166470397" Exploring childrens and young peoples food choices within the sociological context of the family. Dr. Wendy Wills  PAGEREF _Toc166470397 \h 15  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc166470398" Assessing influences on food choices in children using social cognition models. Professor Mark Conner  PAGEREF _Toc166470398 \h 20  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc166470399" The family food environment: A look at what goes on at home and what effect this has on childrens eating behaviour. Dr. Lucy Cooke  PAGEREF _Toc166470399 \h 28  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc166470400" GROUP DISCUSSIONS TO IDENTIFY KEY AREAS FOR RESEARCH.  PAGEREF _Toc166470400 \h 31  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc166470401" Priority areas for research  PAGEREF _Toc166470401 \h 31  HYPERLINK \l "_Toc166470402" Implications for FSA Food Acceptability and Food Choice research programme commissioning  PAGEREF _Toc166470402 \h 33  SUMMARY On the 9th March 2007, the Food Standards Agency (FSA) held a multidisciplinary workshop on food choice in families and children. The objectives of this were to form an up-to-date multidisciplinary view of the influences on childrens and young peoples food choice within the family setting, and identify specific research the FSA could commission as part of its Food Acceptability & Choice and Food Choice Inequalities research programmes. The overall aim was to contribute towards developing more effective interventions to improve nutrition in children, within the family and broader community. The format of the workshop was an initial series of presentations from invited speakers from Europe and the UK, bringing social science and psychological perspectives to the debate, followed by discussions in small groups to identify key areas for research. Professor Pia Christensen began by providing an anthropological perspective. She described the complexities children are presented with, when making food choices in a consumer society. They are exposed to numerous, and sometimes contradictory external influences, for example the media, adverts, peers, school, day care institutions and professional practices. Food is also an important part of cultural identity for children. Parents have a central role in guiding, supporting and empowering children and young people in understanding and making sense of all of this information. Dr. Carmen Perez Rodrigo described the development, implementation and evaluation of an EU funded multidisciplinary project, called Pro Children. The aims of the project were 1) to assess fruit and vegetable consumption in European schoolchildren (10-11 year-olds) and their parents, as well as determinants of the childrens consumption patterns. 2) to develop and test strategies (in Norway, the Netherlands and Spain) applicable across Europe, for promoting consumption of fruit and vegetables among schoolchildren and their parents. Dr. Wendy Wills described how exploring food choice within a sociological/social structure framework can increase understanding about why traditional top down health promotion approaches to improving dietary health sometimes have limited impact. Whilst health and nutrition professionals may expect individuals to take their expert knowledge on board when making food choices, this underplays or ignores the importance of lay beliefs and individual or group knowledge systems. Most children, young people and their families draw on a repertoire of lay beliefs about food and health in order to make daily decisions about what to eat and these provide a framework for their interactions with others. She illustrated these points with the finding from qualitative research, carried out in Scotland, which focused on food choice in young people aged 1215 years from socioeconomically disadvantaged families. Professor Mark Conner introduced a psychological view. He described some of the main relevant social cognition models, and then proceeded to focus on the application of one of these models, the Theory of Planned Behaviour, to food choices. He closed by describing some more recent work in social psychology to try to distinguish two different sorts of attitudes explicit and implicit. In many of the current models explicit measures of attitude are used, whereas implicit measures of attitude are based on reaction times and assume that faster response times indicate stronger attitudes. The limited work done to date seems to show that implicit attitudes and explicit attitudes explain different portions of the variance in behaviour. Finally Dr. Lucy Cooke continued the psychological theme talking about key influences on food choice in the family environment. She specifically addressed: parental influences; mealtime structure and how meals are organised in the home; and food availability and accessibility. Her presentation concluded with a summary of the main characteristics of a healthy family food environment: fruit and vegetables are available and accessible; sweetened drinks and fatty and sugary foods are kept out of the house; parents model healthy eating behaviours; parents take a flexible approach to food control; families eat together at a table; the TV is off at mealtimes; snacking is kept to a minimum; portion sizes are age-appropriate; and new foods are introduced regularly and repeatedly. In the afternoon, the discussion groups identified priority areas for further research, under the following headings:- Research Methods Mixed methods. Multidisciplinary collaboration. New methods Diversity Food in the family Barriers and motivators to food related change in families The groups made general points about future FSA-commissioned research on childrens food choice in the family setting:- family diversity is an important issue which needs to be taken into account; interventions focusing on young people within the family should be life-stage specific; research should include follow up of about 12 months; data should be collected on intermediary factors at all stages of the research, related to an identified model. Specific ideas for FSA research also emerged:- use of participatory vs non participatory approaches; children as active agents of change between e.g. daycare/school/other families and their own families; consider whether (FSA) food competencies should be incorporated into interventions targeting children and families; strategies and practical guidance to support parents in developing a positive food related parenting style; availability and accessibility of healthy and less healthy foods, including the role of rewards and treats; understanding and applying findings about implicit attitudes of different family members, and applying this in developing an intervention; understanding changes to intermediary factors subsequent to forced change e.g. introduction of food related guidance in preschool settings. When change is forced in this way, are there any changes in behaviour or intermediary factors in other settings e.g. families? INTRODUCTION AND AIMS OF THE WORKSHOP The Food Standard Agencys (FSA) Food Acceptability & Choice and Food Choice Inequalities research programmes look at the psychosocial basis of food choices and how barriers to making healthy choices may be overcome. The FoodChoiceInequalities programme has a particular focus on looking at vulnerable groups. One area of work that has emerged as a priority over recent years, is understanding the influences on the choices that children make around food in the family setting, in order to develop more effective interventions. The workshop was chaired by Dr Tricia Younger (Associate Director at the Centre for Public Health Excellence, National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence) Dr Louis Levy (FSA) set the context for discussions by summarising the scope of the relevant FSA research programmes (Fig 1). Figure 1: Overview of research areas commissioned under the Food Acceptability & Choice and Food Choice Inequalities research programmes  EMBED PowerPoint.Slide.8  The FSAs criteria for research in these programmes are that it must help specific population groups eat more healthily i.e. by reducing consumption of salt, fat, saturated fat and sugars, and increasing consumption of fruit and vegetables have a sound theoretical basis produce effective, practical outputs (interventions) that are transferable to the real world, sustainable and cost-effective be good value for money Dr Vivien Lund (FSA) outlined the specific objectives of this workshop. They were to bring together experts from various disciplines to share results of research in order to: come to an up-to-date multidisciplinary view of the influences on childrens and young peoples food choice within the family setting identify specific research the FSA could commission to write up the proceedings of the workshop and make these widely known. The format of the workshop was an initial series of presentations from invited speakers from Europe and the UK, bringing social science and psychological perspectives to the debate, followed by discussions in small groups to identify key areas for research. PRESENTATIONS Children's food choice and Family Eating Patterns: An Anthropological Perspective. Professor Pia Christensen Professor of Anthropology and Childhood Studies at the Institute of Education, the University of Warwick and the Research Unit for General Practice in Copenhagen This presentation drew upon two pieces of Danish research, which contain learning relevant to the UK context:- An ethnographic study of children 3-16 years old, which looked at the social negotiations that take place in the family and in day care institutions and also at how children are forming their food choices A mixed methods study of 10-12 year old childrens participation and influence in family food practices. Professor Christensen also provided a reference to the theoretical framework that she uses. She drew five themes out of the research, and went through each of these. 1) Childrens Food Choice in a Consumer Society We live in a consumer society that is characterised by change and complexity. Children too, are confronted with many and diverse values about food, about health, what constitutes quality of life and different forms of consumer behaviours. The sometimes contradictory presentation of different values and different ideas about quality of life or how to become a healthy consumer often creates dilemmas. Children need support so that they can make truly informed choices in the face of these dilemmas. 2) Socialisation and Food Children are impacted by the family, media, adverts, peers, school, day care institutions and professional practices. Parents have a central role in guiding, supporting and empowering children and young people in understanding and making sense of all of this information. The question is - are parents equipped to do this? Ultimately, children have to create meaning for themselves in this diverse and complex universe. That is, there has been a change in emphasis from the mother and the family as the primary social situation to a more diverse and plural focus of influences and interactions. The family underlies all these things, but the child is the centre of attention. 3) The meaning of food to children Food is cultural identity - who am I, who do I belong with? In relation to children it is not only about who they are at the moment, but who they want to become. Childrens cultural classification of foods changes as they get older. They go from a very rough system of characterising food in terms of what I like and what I do not like, to establishing what things are called, for example a carrot. Then, at about 9- 10years old, they begin to use umbrella terms like junk food, healthy food, and organic food. 4) Childrens life course Food is important not only in childrens development, but in terms of their life course; the different values that children have as they get older and how that influences their everyday routines and practices. For example, not only what a school day is for a child, but also how they engage with work, studies, boyfriends and girlfriends, and friendships. Each child has to negotiate these different settings, and food then has to fit into their everyday life. In terms of the family, food practices relate to family tradition and history. Food also creates social and cultural bonds between family members, as well as friends and peers. Another concept that is very prominent in anthropological work is the idea that food is about creating togetherness. One of the things which emerged from the research was that the mealtime is disrupted when there has been a separation or divorce in the family, and the absence of a person is particularly evident at times when the family would previously have eaten together. There are only a few things that bring people together as a family, and mealtimes and watching television together are two of these. The times families are together are very important for children, and arguments and conflicts do not mean much, except when they are damaging. Mealtimes are times when things are being negotiated in families, not only the negotiation about food, but also about other family matters. Food also expresses love, comfort, care and self-care. For example: parents and children use it to express care and reciprocity; it supports childrens relationships through sharing, and can be traded between children often with a hierarchy of food items; and children use and exchange food to achieve independence and control over what they eat . It is sometimes said that fast and junk food sales are on the wane, but in fact the takeaway sector continues to grow, but is diversifying. This sort of food is important to young people: you can move about, you can bring it with you, it is easy to handle and you have the possibility of choosing what it is you want to eat ... a very important point is that you have independence and privacy around your food choice. Within the home, increasingly mothers are not just asking their partners what they want to eat, but the children as well. Some research has shown that 1012year olds were often called on their mobile phone in the afternoon and asked what they would like to eat. So, it is an important for children to have suggestions ready, and to have opinions about food. Basic needs are important to children, for example they talk about wanting something that fills you up and to get the most for the money. They also want something that is easy and practical to eat, that they can take with them when they are on the move and it is important to choose their own meal. They also have aesthetic values; they want something that is yummy, something that does not smell or taste horrible or that is messy or that is disgusting. Appearance and texture is important, for example, there should be no lumps in yoghurt. Adults perceive children as being picky, whereas they describe adults as selective. 5) The Road to Knowledge Cooking is an important activity and involves: knowledge about assembling and combining ingredients, hygiene, nutrition, the transformation of food items, where the food comes from, serving, aesthetics, pleasure, and understanding food and eating habits in different settings. A multidisciplinary approach to school-based interventions for healthy eating and physical activity: Pro Children and PERSEO case studies. Dr. Carmen Perez Rodrigo Community Nutrition Unit. Bilbao Department of Public Health Introduction and models There has been increasing research in the area of determinants of healthy food habits, particularly related to the high prevalence of overweight and obese children. If we want to reverse the trend and implement prevention strategies, it is crucial to understand which are the determining factors of those eating practices related to obesity and also related to physical activity. Most of the research to date has been conducted looking into individual level factors, but in the last few years, more research is coming out looking into the influence of psychosocial and environmental predictors. A very thorough review has been recently conducted on the environmental factors related to obesity and food habits in children and adolescents. This review used the ANGELO framework, which classifies environmental influences by size and by type:- Size Microenvironment: groups of people Macroenvironment: broader infrastructure Type Physical environment: e.g. availability, access Sociocultural environment: e.g. social, cultural subjective norms, parental influences, peer pressure... Economic environment: e.g. cost related Political environment: e.g. rules, regulations This looked into the energy intake of children and adolescents, fat intake, fruit consumption, juices and vegetables, snacks, fast foods and soft drinks. The main results of this are summarised in Figure 2. This research showed, for example that when more energy dense foods were available at home, children were more likely to eat them. Similarly although more positively- when children found a wider variety of fruits and vegetables at home, they would be more likely to eat more of these items. Figure 2: Influences on dietary intakes in children  EMBED PowerPoint.Slide.8  Dr. Perez Rodrigo went on to describe the EU funded Pro Children project in some detail. Pro Children project The aims of the Pro Children project were:- To assess fruit and vegetable consumption in European schoolchildren (10-11 year-olds) and their parents, as well as determinants of the childrens consumption patterns. To develop and test strategies (in Norway, the Netherlands and Spain) applicable across Europe, for promoting consumption of fruits and vegetables among schoolchildren and their parents. An initial literature review (1958 2006) was conducted looking into potential determinants of fruit and vegetable intake in children and adolescents . These were divided into socioeconomic, personal, family related, and friend related factors. The review was accompanied by qualitative research with 10yearold children in the nine different participating countries. The findings of the review and the research were put together to develop a theoretical basis for the Pro Children project (Figure 3). Figure 3: Theoretical basis for Pro Children  EMBED PowerPoint.Slide.8  This was used to develop an intervention to implement and evaluate school-based fruit and vegetable promotion actions among primary school children aged 10-13y. This included developing and applying an intervention mapping protocol, needs assessment, and identification of determinants that are amenable to change. These determinants included:- Personal level Awareness of importance of fruit and vegetable for health. Positive taste preferences and awareness of own fruit and vegetable intake. Awareness of recommended intake. Selfefficacy and skills for asking for fruit. Selfefficacy and skills for preparing fruit and vegetable. The same for obtaining fruit and vegetable and keeping fresh fruit and vegetables. Familiarity with different kinds of fruits and vegetables. Social level Parental facilitation and direct encouragement. Parental modelling behaviour Peer modelling behaviour. Teacher support. Environmental level Availability and accessibility of fruit and vegetables at home and at school. A fruit and vegetable promoting school environment. Neighbourhood support. Once these determinants had been identified, they were used to develop a series of objectives, and interventions to achieve these objectives. The interventions had three main components:- The school component included a classroom and an out of the classroom section, comprising worksheets, educational activities, computer tailoring and a website. Using a whole school approach to modify the school environment, school project committees were set up, and special school events held for families. The family component included worksheets that children took home and completed together with their family, newsletters for families, school special events and computer tailoring for parents. The community level component varied with intervention site. In Spain, the school health programme was involved in the implementation, in the Netherlands the mass media played a key role, whereas in Norway grocery stores offered information for the families living in the area. Dr. Perez Rodrigo went on to describe some of the issues which had arisen out of one component of the intervention, the school fruit break. Norway already had an established school fruit programme. The Netherlands wanted to start this type of programme, so they instituted an arrangement where fruit is distributed free in schools one day per week. In Spain, there was no such programme, but an arrangement was made with wholesalers to have free fruit distributed once a week to all children participating in the programme. After one month, schools recommended replacing this with encouraging families to provide their children with fruit to bring to school for the break. This had a very positive impact in the Bilbao school sample, and not only in the participating schools. It is now a policy for every school in the area to have a fruit break and encourage children to bring fruit in for it. The study design was a cluster randomised controlled trial, and a mixture of qualitative and quantitative approaches was used to monitor and evaluate the intervention. The results were positive with about a 20% increase in fruit and vegetable consumption, and increases in knowledge, perceived availability and some increases in preferences for vegetables. During the two year intervention, the first year consisted of an intense programme, with reinforcement in the second year. During the second year, the intervention effects decreased, except in Norway . Exploring childrens and young peoples food choices within the sociological context of the family. Dr. Wendy Wills Research Fellow in Child and adolescent health at the University of Hertfordshire Why Study Families? Everyday life within families is of interest to sociologists because children spend a great deal of time with their kin, whatever form their families might take. Families are the primary setting for feeding children and young people, and this is where many food consumption patterns become established. However, the ways that parents and families influence what young people eat is complex and quite often unclear or inconsistent. A familys socioeconomic status, for example, is known to affect the availability of food that parents bring into the home, but the everyday experience of living in a richer or a poorer family is less clear when it comes to the impact that this has on childrens everyday food habits. Research has shown that children, even when they become teenagers, get the majority of their information about food and nutrition from within their families and that support and encouragement from parents is considerably more important than support from their peers or from within the school setting. Sometimes this might seem counterintuitive: we think as children get older and become teenagers they do not listen to what their parents say. However, even with young people up to university age, the support and information they receive from families remains important to them, even if they do not always listen. Importance of Lay Beliefs As families are an important source of support and information and skills, the beliefs and perceptions (food beliefs) they develop and pass on to their children are absolutely crucial if we are to understand what drives family food choices. Food beliefs provide a framework for interactions with people within and outside the family, and allow us to make decisions about what to eat on a daily basis. Beliefs are driven by gender, ethnicity, life stage, and social class. For example, there are many families for whom a meal would not be complete without meat, gravy and two vegetables. Similarly, there are many others who would not consider cutting ghee out of their diets because it is an important part of their identity. These lay beliefs are deeply rooted in kinship and family traditions, and form part of a familys collective identity. However, young people are not simply a product of their parents own beliefs and choices. Many young people are knowledgeable about what is a healthy diet, but their food choices do not often reflect this. As they become increasingly autonomous they become influenced by other factors: e.g. youth culture, the media, peers. They start to prioritise other concerns; for example, what their friends think about them, their appearance and what effect they think food has on their experience. They prioritise these concerns over what they know to be healthy or what their parents tell them to eat. Behaviours that adults might see as undesirable, offer some sort of relief from the challenges associated with puberty and adolescence. Repertoires of Health Beliefs There are also many different levels or layers of beliefs, for example at the individual, family and community level. These beliefs are socially constructed because they are the result of social interactions. They are reproduced throughout life as children get older and are renegotiating their relationships with their parents. Some of these beliefs become more ingrained and some might be thrown out as new ones are adopted. It might be useful, therefore, to think in terms of families and young people drawing on a repertoire of health beliefs or perceptions about food, the beliefs being dependent on the setting and circumstances that they are in at the time. Thus when young people are eating at home with their family they are drawing on different beliefs than, say, when they are eating at home alone or when they are out with their friends. It is important to see these forms of lay knowledge on a continuum with scientific knowledge. There is no hierarchy. People take on board different messages, whether it is about eating five a day or reducing salt intake or whether it is their parents saying biscuits never did me any harm. The way that young people prioritise which messages they are going to take on board is a very complex process. In order to facilitate change, it is necessary to work with families and their beliefs and not just provide information. Children as Competent Social Actors Young people do not like to be explicitly coerced into eating healthily, and are much more likely to engage in debates about food if they are listened to, respected, and if their views are acted upon. There has been a move towards treating children as competent social actors from whom adults can learn, in line with the UnitedNations Convention on the Rights of the Child, Articles 12 and 14: Children are fullyfledged persons who have the right to express their views on all matters affecting them. Their views should be heard and given due weight in accordance with the childs age and maturity. Everyday Family Food Practices: Findings from a research study Some of these points are illustrated in qualitative research, carried out in Scotland; mainly looking at young people aged 1215 years from socioeconomically disadvantaged families. Many of these families contained older and younger children too. Good food: Most parents view the food they provide at home as better than any food young people are going to access outside the home, that is as good food. This does not always equate to meals cooked from basic ingredients and very often includes preprepared ingredients. Food eaten outside the home is seen as less healthy, out of parents control and therefore as being more risky. For example, snacks that are offered at home are seen as acceptable for children. However, if they access the same foods outside the home, these are often seen as unhealthy and not acceptable. Family meals: Most of the parents in the research said that they tried to eat together as a family at least once per week. At least half of the children said that they ate together with their families always or nearly always. These are the same families, so it might be that childrens perceptions are that they do eat together frequently even if, in fact, they do not. Eating together often was seen as secondary to the other demands of family life and many of these families do not have the space or the resources to eat a family meal. Adolescents own leisure activities and their preferences not to eat with their parents were a major influence on how they ate. Teenage Tastes and Preferences: There was a general acceptance in nearly all of these families that individual members have their own food tastes and preferences, and that these should be accommodated. Sometimes this is not just about taste, but also about renegotiating relationships with parents. Teenage Dietary Worlds: Most of the parents did believe in eating healthily, but felt resigned to their teenagers less than healthy eating habits, with many viewing their childs eating habits as being at least partly the responsibility of the young people themselves. Indeed, the young people felt that it was their responsibility. This was a really heavy burden for some of them. For example, there were many overweight and obese teenagers who felt that they wanted to do something about it: It is my fault I am fat, it is nothing to do with my mum. What can she do about it? She cannot make me lose weight. It can be quite distressing for some young people to think that they are alone in trying to sort these issues out. Most of the parents did speak about the other factors that they thought their teenager took account of when eating. One mother said, I think it is important for her going to school with even a bowl of cereal or a piece of fruit, but her appearance is more important she means how long it takes her daughter to get ready in the morning so she will maybe grab a packet of crisps going up the road, which is not, in my view, good enough, but what can I do? I mean I cannot force food down her neck. Snack and convenience foods were important in all of these families, so that young people could at least grab something. There may be some scope for looking at snack foods that young people might eat that are quick and convenient, but are also healthier. Contesting Identities: Food was used by many of the teenagers as a way of marking out their relationship with family members, particularly with their parents, either to establish difference He eats that, I definitely do not eat that, I am different from him or showing that they did have a close emotional bond with particular family members. Many of these families had experienced breakdown and had reformed with new partners, new children, or new stepsiblings, and the teenagers often reported that their diet varied quite considerably depending upon whom they were staying with. This further illustrates the need not just to take young peoples social environments into account, but also to think about what food means to these families. There were many fathers, for example, who took their teenage son out on a Saturday for a takeaway or to a familyfriendly pub for a meal. This goes way beyond the nutritional value of the food that these families were eating. It was a way of forging a relationship with a child. Hierarchies of Risk: Parents concerns about diet were very often secondary to other concerns; either current or potential worries about other dangers that they perceived that the teenager faced: whether the child was smoking, being bullied, having sex, doing badly at school, hanging out with the wrong crowd. Perceptions of Fatness: Many of the teenagers who were overweight and obese were quite happy with their bodies just the way they were, and did not see themselves as being overweight, despite their BMI. Many of these teenagers felt there were simply far too many other things to think about in life than whether someone was too fat. Class may influence this; this is currently being investigated. The teenagers were also rarely supportive of other people losing weight. Parents were very wary of expressing any concern about a young person they thought was overweight. There was a notion that a child could go anorexic, which was a term that frequently came up. They quite often talked about their childs skinnier friends as stick insects. This was a term that was used a lot, as if to emphasise further that it was not fatness that was bad, it was being thin. Boosting a teenagers selfesteem was seen as considerably more important to parents than getting them to lose weight, even if they did feel they were at risk of becoming obese. It is not that obesity was not a concern at all, but that it was secondary to the concerns about other things going on in their life, and raising weight issues was perceived as posing a risk to their mental health and wellbeing. The mysteries of body size: Surprisingly only a few of the teenagers talked about puberty as being an influence on their weight. There were girls who were getting fatter, their hips were getting bigger and they said they had no idea why. It seemed to be a complete mystery and something about which they really were quite anxious. Boys in particular tended to talk about their shape in terms of I am going to grow out of this fatter body. Many of the young people thought their shape was predetermined by their genes. Most of the parents spoke about their childs body size as something of a complete mystery in terms of the way that it changed and evolved over time, particularly in the teenage years. They also saw this as further support for a noninterventionist strategy: It will all be all right in the end. It is nothing to worry about. He is changing all the time. I am not going to worry about it now. As with the teenagers, the parents conceptualised their teenagers body shape within their experiences of the wider family. Planning Interventions Redefining Fast Food: Young people associate healthy food with their parents, being at home and being with their family, whereas they associate fast food as something that is fun and being with friends and a sign of their growing autonomy. Can fast food be redefined to included food that both appeals to young people and is healthier? Choice: Young people appreciate having choice. They want quick and convenient foods, particularly when they are at secondary school. They have other things going on in their lives and they want to be able to grab food as they go. They also want tasty food, and food that has a positive impact on their appearance. Things like having nice hair and nice skin are important to this group, much more than whether they are going to develop cardiovascular disease when they are in their forties. Consultation: We rarely ask young people what action they think we should take to improve their diet and what the barriers to them adopting a healthier diet are. It is also important to explore parents views. A topdown education approach rarely has a lasting impact, mainly because it does not take into account the social and cultural nature of our interactions, and the lay beliefs that develop out of those interactions. Variations: Public health interventions need to engage with potential variations in the salience given to dietary practices and body weight in different population groups, in order to understand the underlying meanings and differing priorities within families. Family Engagement: Many families have extremely complex lives, and diet is simply not a priority for many of them. Therefore, improving diet has to be seen to be achievable and not simply another battle with the teenagers in the house. Messages have to be simple, and work with beliefs about food, and actions must be practical and realistic. Assessing influences on food choices in children using social cognition models. Professor Mark Conner Institute of Psychological Sciences, University of Leeds Introduction This presentation covered: Social Cognition Models Application of the Theory of Planned Behaviour to food choices Meta analysis of attitudes and food choice Explicit and Implicit measures of attitudes. Social Cognition Models Social cognition models start from the idea that external influences e.g. social pressure or availability of food produce changes within the individual, and these produce changes in behaviour. The reason social cognition models focus on individual cognitions or thoughts, is the assumption that these are proximal determinants of behaviour and therefore if you can change them, you can produce changes in behaviour. This general approach has led to the development of a number of different models of what these cognitive processes are. Some of these are relatively simple, being lists of what these variables will be, others specify more detail about some causal ordering amongst the variables e.g. which things in the environment change first, and how does that produce other changes in the individual, that leads in turn to behavioural change. Models can also be used to assess whether interventions produce changes in cognitions and whether this might drive subsequent behaviour. For example, there is some current research on the School Fruit and Vegetable Scheme. In this scheme, fruit and vegetables are made available for a period of time, but the supply is then stopped. The question is how can you try to maintain any increases in fruit and vegetable consumption? We have been using some of these models in order to try to derive interventions that do that. The Models The Health Belief Model Figure 4: Health Belief Model  This suggests that behaviour is based upon a series of proximal predictors. These include the perceived threat of an illness and the perceived severity of that illness. They also include the cost and benefits of different courses of action e.g. if you feel threatened by heart disease or cancer, then what dietary changes might you consider? The assumption would be that you would select the changes with the most perceived benefits and fewest perceived costs. Note that these are perceived costs and benefits, perceived susceptibility and perceived severity. It is not an objective measure of the environment; it is what seems to be going on in peoples heads. There are two other variables that are sometimes included in this, health motivation and cues to action. In some representations of these models, the assumption is that all these variables mediate the influences of external variables i.e. they are intermediary factors. There is nothing going directly from the external environment to the behaviour, it is all assumed to be mediated by these factors and there is mixed evidence about the extent to which that mediation really occurs. Social Cognitive Theory Figure 5: Social Cognitive Theory  The second model is Banduras Social Cognitive Theory, and there are also variations of this. A key variable in this model is selfefficacy: do you feel that the behaviour is within your control? The model also includes outcome expectancies (which are very similar to attitudinal variables) i.e. outcomes that you think will follow from performing the behaviour. Other components are impediments or constraints in the environment goals, intentions to act in a particular way, and subsequent behaviour Stages of Change Figure 6: Stages of Change  There are a number of different Stage of Change models. The one shown above is taken from the transtheoretical model. It assumes that behaviour change occurs through a number of stages. Initially, people are not even contemplating changing; for instance, increasing fruit and vegetable consumption. Then they come to contemplate it and think about the advantages and disadvantages. They prepare to act, they act, then they try to maintain the behaviour and there might be a loop around where people try to maintain for a while, but then fail, and re-enter the cycle. The final stage is named termination of behaviour. Theory of Planned Behaviour Figure 7: Theory of Planned Behaviour  This model is the focus of the presentation. It has a number of the same variables discussed earlier. It assumes that behaviour is principally based upon intentions or plans to act. These may be conscious plans or they may be less conscious plans based on habit and past behaviour. The assumption is that those intentions are based upon three sets of factors:- Attitude or overall evaluation of behaviour. Social pressure. Perceptions of control, which is very similar to the idea of selfefficacy. The first of these, attitudes, will be important in the remainder of the presentation. One thing thats problematic about these models in terms of an application to food choice is that they tend to be cognitive rather than affective in nature. They focus on the idea of health benefits of eating rather than the pleasure of eating. This is contrary to what we know about many of the influences on eating behaviour. People eat the foods they tend to like; health benefits tend to come later. However, recent additions to models like the TheoryofPlannedBehaviour have tried to take account of that and distinguish between affective attitudes (likings) and more cognitive influences (beliefs about whether its good for you or not). How well do those models do? Generally: In a metaanalytic analysis across 82,000people in 420studies, the intentionbehaviour relationship using these models has a correlation of about 0.48, and the attitudebehaviour relationship is around 0.36. In psychologists terms, these are medium to large effect sizes. Using the TheoryofPlannedBehaviour explains about 27 % of the variance in behaviour and about 39% of the variance in intention based on attitude, subjective norm and PBC. So, these models in general do fairly well at predicting intentions and behaviour. In relation to food choice: Conner (2000) carried out a meta-analysis of 143tests of impact of attitudes on food choice. These were divided into ones that tested the attitudebehaviour relationship, ones that tested the attitudeintention relationship and ones that tested the intentionbehaviour relationship. One part of the data is highlighted here, the weighted correlation between attitude and behaviour, attitude and intention, intention and behaviour. Those values were 0.35, 0.46 and 0.43 respectively. These are very similar to the general findings, and therefore, it does not seem to be the case that there is something particularly different about food choice rather than other sorts of behaviours. One finding from this particular review was that the relationships tended to be stronger for more specific compared with general classes of food i.e. it is preferable to ask specifically about a food e.g. skimmed milk, rather than e.g. a lowfat diet. Examples of applying the Theory of Planned Behaviour to Food Choice Study 1 Study of adults focusing on general level of healthy eating behaviour . In this study both attitudes and perceptions of control came out as important predictors of intentions to eat healthily in adults. However, social pressure, which one might expect to be quite important in relation to food choices, did not emerge as an important predictor. It seemed that intentions drove food choices over prolonged intervals. For instance, this study predicted behaviour over a sixyear interval, and intentions predicted longterm performance of the behaviour. Thus, it seems that strong, stable intentions can have quite powerful predictive effects on eating behaviour over prolonged time intervals. Study 2 Study of children, 1115year olds, looking at specific breakfast choices, particularly choice of different milk types and choice of high fibre bread  The second study was conducted amongst a group of 1,700schoolchildren in Sweden. There were similar sorts of measures to the previous study. Again, it was mainly intentions that emerged as strong significant predictors of behaviour. In terms of all the milks, except skimmed milk, there was also some influence from perceived control. Looking at the predictors of intention, the strongest predictor was generally attitude. In other words, attitudes drove these childrens intentions to pick foods. Two important points to draw from these studies are:- Affective measures of attitudes the idea of liking rather than health benefits shows stronger correspondence with performing the behaviour than do the cognitive ones. Thus, it is the affective components of attitudes rather than the cognitive components that seem particularly to drive behaviour. In relation to the limited number of studies that have been conducted with children, there is no evidence that the correlations are lower amongst children between attitudes and behaviour, than for adults. Explicit and Implicit Attitudes There has been a recent development in social psychology to try to distinguish different two sorts of attitudes explicit and implicit. Explicit measures of attitude rely on self-reports and assume respondents: Know the appropriate information. Are prepared to accurately report. Implicit measures of attitude are based on reaction times and assume: Faster response times indicate stronger attitudes. So far, there have been rather a limited number of studies on implicit attitudes in discerning food choice, although there are a growing number of studies in relation to snack food choice and what they seem to show is that implicit attitudes and explicit attitudes explain different portions of the variance in behaviour. In one study by MarcoPerugini on snack foods , there was a considerable increase in the likelihood of choosing a snack if both implicit and explicit attitudes were positive. Implicit attitudes may constitute a useful way of developing research in the area of food choice, because they seem to tap aspects of peoples learning histories that are not be picked up in explicit measure of attitudes. The family food environment: A look at what goes on at home and what effect this has on childrens eating behaviour. Dr. Lucy Cooke Cancer Research- UK Health Behaviour Unit Background Food preferences and eating habits start to be developed very early and for the youngest children their experiences with food happen mainly in the home. Family environments are therefore key to the development of these preferences and habits. Todays presentation will be under three main headings: Parental influences Mealtime structure, how meals are organised in the home and so on. Food availability and accessibility Parental Influences Child Feeding Practices Child feeding practices have been studied mostly under the banner parental control and three aspects of that appear to have an important impact on childrens eating: The use of restriction, usually of access to unhealthy foods. Pressurising children to eat healthy foods or to finish everything on their plate. Instrumental feeding, the use of reward for childrens intake. Restriction does not appear to be helpful. In a study by Fisher & Birch (1999), 3-5 year olds were presented with two snack foods. They had free access to Food A, but limited access to Food B. The result was a greater desire for, selection of and intake of the restricted food. An observational study of 2-3 year olds looked at how pressure to eat affects food choice and weight (Klesges et al, 1983). The parents were prompting children to eat: finish it off eat all your peas. These prompts were positively related to the time that children spend eating and to their relative weight, so that the more children were pressed into eating and finishing the meal on their plate, the heavier they were. Finally, in a study by Newman & Taylor (1992) two equally liked snacks were selected for each child. One was presented to a child as the means by which to gain the second; the second was the reward. The preference for the food that the child had to eat in order to receive the reward went down, whereas it increased for the reward. Thus, presenting a food in a positive context as a reward increases liking. Overall, it appears that very strict overcontrol may be counterproductive in improving childrens eating habits, although permissive feeding practices are associated with unhealthier eating patterns and higher weight. Thus, children who are allowed to eat whatever they want, whenever they want, are likely to have less healthy eating habits. Flexible control, a kind of authoritative style of feeding may be the most effective, where some responsibility is shared with the children. The parents responsibility is to provide a good variety of healthy foods and children are allowed some autonomy in terms of what and how much they eat. Parental Eating Habits Parental eating habits are very influential on childrens food preferences, intake, and eating behaviour. Parental consumption is one of the strongest predictors of intake and we see this for fruit, vegetables, and diets high in saturated fat. Children resemble their parents both in food preferences and in foodrelated traits, such as neophobia. How do parents food preferences and intake affect their children? Most obviously, parents buy and prepare the foods they like. They are not going to bring foods into the house that they do not like, so children will not be exposed to those foods. However, probably most important is modelling. Children will eat a food much more readily if they have seen their parents eat it and, even better, appear to enjoy it. That is a very powerful influence; children are great imitators. Parental eating attitudes and behaviour around food is a less studied area, but it is also thought to have some impact on childrens eating. Mostly what has been looked at is restraint and disinhibition; restraint being dieting, the intentional restriction of food intake, and disinhibition being a tendency to lose control, overeating or overeating in certain emotional states or situations, when very upset or bored, for instance. The findings on whether this affects childrens eating behaviours are mixed. A study by Contento (2005) showed that maternal restraint was associated with healthier food choices in children, although disinhibition predicted less healthy food choices. More worrying was Jacobis (2001) finding that restraint and disinhibition was associated with dieting behaviours in really quite young children. Thus, again, parents are modelling unhealthy eating habits and their children are picking up on them. Does this affect childrens weight? Maternal disinhibition and restraint have been associated with higher weight in children, both crosssectionally and longitudinally, although a recent study of preschoolers found no relationship once mothers weight status was controlled for. Nutrition Knowledge and Beliefs Nutrition education is often a component of dietary interventions and can be quite successful in increasing nutrition knowledge, but whether that knowledge translates into improved behaviour is less certain. What we do know is that maternal education level generally is positively related to better diets in children. Fruit and vegetable intake is higher and less fizzy drinks are consumed in families where mothers are better educated. Mothers specific nutrition knowledge and understanding of diet and disease links seems to be more important than general nutrition knowledge. Mealtime Structure Frequency The frequency of family mealtimes declines as children get older, and has decreased over recent decades. Evidence is emerging to suggest that this is associated with poorer diets. A large survey of over 16,000children and adolescents asked about the frequency of family mealtimes and found that eating together as a family was associated with more fruit, vegetables and fibre and less unhealthy food and carbonated drinks. This relationship remained significant even when household income and various other potential confounders were taken into account (Gillman et al 2000). How Family Mealtimes Affect Childrens Eating Habits At mealtimes parents have the opportunity to model healthy eating behaviours for their children. Eating in one designated place, if at all possible, reduces the number of environmental cues to eating that children experience. Also, a lack of distraction leads to better satiety sensitivity. Children will focus more on how they feel, whether they are full or whether they are still hungry, if they are not doing anything else apart from sitting around together focusing on food. Eating in front of the TV Conversely, eating in front of the TV is associated with poorer eating habits. There are many studies showing positive associations between hours of TV watched and child and adolescent adiposity. Eating in front of the TV is also associated with less fruits and vegetables and more snacks and sweets. Food availability and accessibility Availability of fruit and vegetables in the home is one of the most consistent predictors of intake in children and adolescents (Review by Blanchette & Brug, 2005) Availability of sweets is associated with higher intake of fats, sugars and junk foods, in 3-10 year olds, though not with weight (Campbell et al, in press; Gable & Lutz, 2000) Fruit and vegetable intake is higher when these foods are available AND accessible, e.g. apple wedges, carrots sticks (Baranowski et al, 1999) Changes in accessibility of fruit and vegetables were significant predictors of increased intake (Bere & Klepp, 2005) One proviso though: it is not enough to have the fruit bowl in the house if other palatable alternative snacks are also in the house. If the child knows it is there, the child is unlikely to choose the fruit and we should not be asking them to because they cannot make that choice. Therefore, it is a better to those foods out of the house as much as possible. The characteristics of a healthy family food environment Fruit and vegetables are available and accessible Sweetened drinks and fatty and sugary foods are kept out of the house Parents model healthy eating behaviours Parents take a flexible approach to food control Families eat together at a table The TV is off at mealtimes Snacking is kept to a minimum Portion sizes are age-appropriate New foods are introduced regularly and repeatedly GROUP DISCUSSIONS TO IDENTIFY KEY AREAS FOR RESEARCH. Dr Louis Levy introduced the working group discussions. He highlighted the importance of a multidisciplinary approach to extend research with young people from predominantly school-based work, to consider the contribution of the wider family and environment. He went on to outline the work that the groups were asked to undertake:- To identify priority areas for new research in understanding food choice in children and young people in the family and for developing effective interventions. In this initial stage, constraints such as resources or statistical power should not be considered. To assess each priority area against the FSA research criteria described earlier, and identify specific research projects that might be suitable for FSA commissioning. Discussions were held in three working groups, and the main points are summarised below. Priority areas for research Research Methods Mixed methods. Research methods used by the different disciplines should be used in a complementary way within studies whenever possible to: ensure that studies are targeted appropriately e.g. use participatory approaches with children and families to develop interventions, use observational approaches within families prior to developing interventions; deepen understanding of why some aspects of a study work and others do not e.g. qualitative research; add to the body of knowledge of the relative strength of different intermediary factors in influencing outcomes e.g. base interventions on an agreed model (see later) and collect information on intermediary factors at all stages of the research. Multidisciplinary collaboration. There was some discussion about whether it was best for each of the disciplines to work separately and for their findings to provide different perspectives, or whether the different disciplines could integrate their work in some way. The overall conclusion seemed to be that each of these approaches had their own merits, and the specific approach used would depend on the context. One aspect of integration would be to construct a behavioural change model that would bring together psychological and ecological models. For example, current psychological models measure mediating/moderating influences and behavioural intention. It may be that intentions are only important if the environment is supportive of that behaviour, but that is not captured in the current psychological models. A preliminary step to constructing a more integrated approach would be to map models used by different disciplines, and assess the influence which mediating variables have on outcome measures. Charles Abraham and Susan Michie are currently undertaking a mapping exercise of this sort, in relation to general public health interventions (also see Hardeman, W. Health Education Research 2005 20(6):676-687). However, there is no comparable food related initiative. New methods Food choice may be a more spontaneous/semi-conscious decision rather than a deliberative one. The concept of measuring implicit attitudes is a relatively recent one, and has not yet been applied to food choice. Implicit attitudes are likely to be largely based on habit, and once they are understood, it may be possible to develop interventions that focus on breaking implicit association with consequent behavioural changes. Research could be carried out which develops an understanding of implicit attitudes in specific population subgroups, and then uses this as a basis for constructing an intervention. Diversity One of the issues raised by all the working groups, was the diversity of family structures, their external links, and their family members. This encompasses standard demographic differences such as age, gender, social class, ethnic group, and geographical location. However families exhibit diversity that is probably more complex than for many other subgroups. There is considerable variation between families and within families over time, for example in relation to: family composition; structures; and external interactions. Interventions should be tailored towards these family and life stage variations. Food in the family There was considerable discussion about which foods children eat, how much (portion sizes), meal patterns (e.g. mealtimes vs grazing), and the context of eating (e.g. sitting down at a table versus television trays). The point was also made that many children exhibit anxiety in relation to food (because food can be a source of conflict within families, or an area of life where children feel they have responsibility for decisions which they do not necessarily feel equipped to deal with). The discussion then progressed to assessing these issues in the context of the parenting styles that had been discussed earlier in the day, particularly the authoritarian vs authoritative styles. Authoritarian parenting is a style where obedience is expected, with fewer opportunities for the child to have individual freedom. In contrast, authoritative parenting is associated with more positive nutrition outcomes, and is based on a more confident parenting approach which sets boundaries, but supports children by helping them to develop the skills to make choices within these. An integral part of this is respecting the active role which children play in the food choice dynamic within families. Clearly it is not possible to impose a particular parenting style as part of an intervention, but it was suggested that research could be undertaken which might support parents. For example: Getting a better understanding of where parents obtain food related information, attitudes, and support. Developing and evaluating interventions based on this, together with considering appropriate life stages, and practical guidance which supports food related parenting associated with more positive outcomes (e.g. positive modelling, proactively involving children in shopping i.e. involving them in decision making before food preparation) Barriers and motivators to food related change in families Issues relating to barriers and motivators to change, and the value placed on different types of food, were discussed by all of the groups. Research priorities which arose from this included:- It is well established that for many people health is not a motivator, and increasingly the social aspects of eating and taste have been used to encourage change, mostly because they have emerged as barriers to healthier eating. This may be simplistic, and it may be more appropriate to develop approaches and assess the value placed on different foods in different families and by different individuals within the family. This would take into account e.g. price, convenience, social and cultural influences. One way of doing this might be to use a research approach referred to as laddering, where food choices are forced and this is used as a basis of exploring the underlying values which affect choice. Optimistic bias was identified as an important barrier i.e. families think that they are already doing well and do not need to change. Ways of identifying and addressing this are needed. Habitus (a sociological concept) is what a family has always done and continues to do. This can be an important barrier to change not only for the family unit, but also for individuals within the family. Again ways of identifying and addressing this are needed. Implications for FSA Food Acceptability and Food Choice research programme commissioning Participants raised the question of whether these research programmes only include evaluated interventions, or whether more descriptive and exploratory research could also be commissioned. This type of research would not be excluded, but would have to clearly link to an intervention, for example by providing a practical basis for developing an intervention or understanding why an intervention did or did not work. Several of the research priorities described in the previous section could be considered for FSA commissioning. The specific ideas which were mentioned included:- Participatory vs non participatory approaches Children as active agents of change between e.g. daycare/school/other families and their own families Consider whether (FSA) food competencies should be incorporated into interventions targeting children and families Strategies and practical guidance to support parents in developing a positive food related parenting style Availability and accessibility of healthy and less healthy foods, including the role of rewards and treats Understanding and applying findings about implicit attitudes of different family members, and applying this in developing an intervention. Understanding changes to intermediary factors subsequent to forced change e.g. introduction of food related guidance in preschool settings. When change is forced in this way, are there any changes in behaviour or intermediary factors in other settings e.g. families? In addition some general points were made about any research commissioned by the FSA in this area:- Family diversity is an important issue which needs to be taken into account. Interventions focusing on young people within the family should be life-stage specific Research should include follow up of about 12 months. Data should be collected on intermediary factors at all stages of the research, related to an identified model.  Christensen, P. The Health Promoting Family: a conceptual framework for future research. SocialScienceandMedicine 2004 vol.59 (2): 377387.  Swinburn B, Egger G, Raza F. Prev Med 1999; 29(Pt 1): 563.70  Rasmussen M, Kroelner R, Klepp KI, Lytle L, Brug J, Bere E, Due P. IJBNPA 2006, 3:22. doi:10.1186/1479-5868-3-22 Various publications describing the programme and its effects, by members of the ProChildren consortium: Knut-Inge Klepp (Coordinator), Department of Nutrition, University of Oslo, Norway; Carmen Perez Rodrigo, Unidad de Nutricion Comunitaria, Bilbao, Spain; Inga Thorsdottir, Unit for Nutrition Research, Landspitali University Hospital, Reykjavik, Iceland; Pernille Due, Department of Social Medicine, University of Copenhagen, Denmark; Maria Daniel Vaz de Almeida, Faculdade de Cincias da Nutrio e Alimentao da Universidade do Porto, Portugal; Ibrahim Elmadfa and Alexandra Wolf, Institute of Nutrition, University of Vienna, Austria; Jhanna Haraldsdttir, Research Department of Human Nutrition, Royal Veterinary and Agricultural University, Copenhagen, Denmark; Johannes Brug, Erasmus Medical Center Rotterdam, Department of Public Health, The Netherlands; Michael Sjstrm and Agneta Yngve, Unit for Preventive Nutrition, Karolinska Institutet, Stockholm, Sweden; Ilse De Bourdeaudhuij, Department of Movement and Sport Sciences, Ghent University, Belgium.   ADDIN EN.REFLIST Conner MT & Sparks P (2005) The theory of planned behaviour and health behaviours. In Predicting health behaviour: Research and practice with social cognition models. (M. C. P. N. (Eds.), ed.). Open University Press, Maidenhead, pp. 170-222.    ADDIN EN.REFLIST Conner MT, Norman P & Bell R (2002): The Theory of Planned Behaviour and healthy eating. . Health Psychology 21, 194-201.   ADDIN EN.REFLIST Berg C, Jonsson I & Conner MT (2000): Understanding choice of milk and bread for breakfast among Swedish children aged 11-15: An application of the Theory of Planned Behaviour. . Appetite 34, 5-19.    ADDIN EN.REFLIST Perugini M (2005): Predictive models of implicit and explicit attitudes. Br J Soc Psychol 44, 29-45.      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S   6 #" `] `} q l*0     6X  #" ``   `* 0     6 ( #" `] `}  `* 0     C @ABCDE FjJ@3"0`B  s *DjJ"0 `0H  0޽h ? ___f3̙;/f9___PPT10i.  +D=' = @B + Edge  0  (    H0? ?"@  X Click to edit Master title style!!   H3? ?"   [#Click to edit Master subtitle style$$   6$8 #" `] `}  l*0     6; #" `]}   `* 0     6 > #" `] `}  `* 0     C @ABCDE F8c@3"@B  s *DjJ"  ,$0H  0޽h ? ___f3̙;/f9___PPT10i.  +ityD=' = @B +60 0 F(     0F ;8   ^*0    0H t 8  `* 0  d  c $ ?>r    0HN    RClick to edit Master text styles Second level Third level Fourth level Fifth level!    S  6S /;g   ^*0    6|Q /t g  `* 0  H  06gq ? 3380___PPT10.L{@(0 0 @(  1  s *W aTheoretical Model applied to children consumption of fruit and vegetables: Pro Children Project H30( 2/0 `# b   0bP VKlepp K-I, Prez Rodrigo C, De Bourdeaudhuij I et al.Ann Nutr Metab 2005; 49, 212-220.<W0( 2VgG W&  0i  VKlepp K-I, Prez Rodrigo C, De Bourdeaudhuij I et al.Ann Nutr Metab 2005; 49, 212-220.4W0( 2VcCV (F P  P  HjG(Hbff `a ] `Cultural Environmentf ?  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